Expert on need for changing content of election campaign 

ArmInfo.It is necessary to change both the mood of Armenian society and the content of the election campaign, otherwise we will have not "Gyumri- 2," but  "Yerevan-1." Political scientist and member of the Alternative Projects Group Vahe Hovhannisyan writes about this in his article, commenting on the pre-election situation in Armenia.

Earlier, on the Public Television of Armenia, Mother Armenia party  leader Andranik Tevanyan stated that the opposition is going into the  parliamentary elections on June 7, 2026, with the intention of  implementing the "Gyumri-2" scenario, which involves collecting votes  through an image or intermediary and then channeling these votes to  the interests of other political centers. The ruling Civil Contract  faction saw this as a risk of repeating the scenario the opposition  played out during the municipal elections in Gyumri. According to  Deputy Speaker of Parliament Ruben Rubinyan, the addition of part of  second President Robert Kocharyan's team to oligarch Gagik  Tsarukyan's list and their joint participation in the elections  indicate that the opposition intends to repeat the scenario played  out in Gyumri, where Communist Party representative Vardan Ghukasyan  became mayor, in the national elections.

"In fact, it's good that the government raised the 'Gyumri-2' issue  in a semi-SMS format. We need to understand what this ultimately  means in terms of content and technology. In terms of content, the  'Gyumri scenario' is extremely problematic for me personally. The  quality of the next government is far more important to me. Armenia  and the region today are like a powder keg, and the nature of the  next government is crucial. One misstep, one miscalculation in  assessing reality, one inadequate understanding of the situation and  the world, and Armenia will ultimately find itself on the brink of  disaster. In this regard, the content and strength of the next  government are vitally important. A state is not a testing ground.  One test government was quite sufficient for us at this stage," the  political scientist noted.

As for the technology of the 'Gyumri scenario,' as Vahe Hovhannisyan  noted, the authorities' outburst of emotion betrays their  uncertainty. "Ultimately, this scenario is constitutional, legally  sound, and logical. But that's not the most important thing. In  practice, it's impossible to predict the image of the future National  Assembly today, and therefore the options for forming a government.   It's impossible to insist on any particular development scenario  today. This is probably a unique case, in which both the government  and the opposition, as well as various parts of the opposition, must  be honest with each other. For a number of serious, objective  reasons, non-standard social strata have formed in Armenia (I'm  deliberately not mentioning them), the content of the vote in which  no one can predict in advance. What is the government currently  bringing to the table? And finally, why are they focusing on two or  three forces? There are other potential forces that could enter the  National Assembly and significantly change all the calculations, and  they still have time to submit their applications. Now, perhaps, the  most important moment for me is the integration of a respectable list  of public figures, formed in recent years, into the electoral lists.  If they don't find their place in the electoral process (or don't  want to, or aren't allowed to), the content and results of the  elections will suffer. The inclusion of normal, principled, and  non-adventurous individuals on various lists will significantly  reduce unprincipledness and adventurism on a national scale," the  political scientist believes.

He added that the country's interests and its current state require  responsible political forces to set precisely this goal-the  restoration of Armenia-and to impose precisely this content on the  election campaign, starting today. "We have an extremely complex  reality and a whole host of difficult questions that must be answered  honestly. I'd like to begin this list with points that may seem  surprising to many, but which are already on the agenda.

1. The loss of internal governance in the country. Street gangs,  vendettas, and horrific manifestations of domestic violence - every  day, in every city. This is a serious problem. People are afraid to  let their children out of the house. Nothing like this has ever  happened in Armenia, even during the most difficult periods. A stray  dog can do whatever it wants on every meter. I emphasize: this is not  just a police problem. It is a political problem. How can we quickly  restore internal control over the country? Today, nothing is  happening inside the state except arrests and criminal cases, but no  problems are being resolved. Peaceful Armenia is turning into a  savage country without internal rules of coexistence. The reason is  the incompetence of the leadership and eight years of aggression on  the part of the authorities.

2. No issues are being resolved, from deadly air quality indicators  and potholed streets to reforms in all areas. Areas that are  announced and then immediately suspended because they are unfeasible  in real life. No programs are implemented: they are either canceled  mid-progress, significantly modified, or forgotten. This speaks to  extremely poor governance.

3. How can we achieve guaranteed peace? Today is not peace; today is  a "war-free" situation, which will require complex and serious  management from any government.

4. Finally, what is TRIPP? What link does it represent in the path  connecting Armenia with Turkey and Azerbaijan? What guarantees of  real peace does it provide? What development prospects does it offer?

5. If tomorrow Azerbaijan makes demands with the threat or even the  use of force, say, in the Gegharkunik region, what role will TRIPP  play? Perhaps Trump will establish peace for the 11th time, say, at  the expense of one shore of Lake Sevan?

6. How do we envision the path to internal reconciliation? We will  get nowhere with fragmented, atomized, and in some places  disorganized public sentiment.

7. How do we perceive and address Armenia's most serious strategic  problem - emigration? This isn't just superficial PR, when people  gather together and say, "Thanks to Nikol, there is no emigration  this year." We know that the emigration figures were underestimated  solely due to the Russia-Ukraine conflict and Trump's  anti-immigration policies. If even one of these factors were to be  relaxed tomorrow, the figures would change dramatically.

8. It's clear that the issue of the return of hundreds of thousands  of Azerbaijanis will soon become a pressing issue. It's no  coincidence that they are already strolling carefree through the  courtyards of Armenia. This government has no solution to this  problem, we know that. What are others proposing? The list could go  on and on. Its main goal remains to be understood. It is necessary to  change both the mood and the content of the election campaign.  Otherwise, we won't have Gyumri- 2, but rather Yerevan-1," Vahe  Hovhannisyan concluded.