ArmInfo.Armenia's democracy score dropped from 3.11 points to 3.07 points. Thus, Armenia is ranked 35th on a 100-point system, The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 1 the lowest. This is evidenced by the data of the annual Nations in Transit2024 report by the international human rights organization Freedom House.
"National Democratic Governance rating declined from 2.50 to 2.25 due to the executive's consolidation of power, the multiyear trend of central authorities overreaching and impeaching opposition mayors, and the lack of transparency in ruling party finances. As a result, Armenia's Democracy Score declined from 3.11 to 3.07," the source notes.
The Executive Summary of the report notes, in part: "In Armenia in 2023, the most significant political processes and concerns both stem from security issues, particularly relations with Azerbaijan and its 10- month-long blockade of the unrecognized but de facto independent Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh (known as Artsakh in Armenia) and the subsequent ethnic cleansing of the breakaway enclave after Azerbaijani aggression in September. Not only have these national security issues been Armenians' most significant concerns, but they also have shaped the domestic political landscape, with the opposition and large segments of the population criticizing the government for the failures of its Nagorno-Karabakh policy.
Attitudes among the Armenian public and government toward Russia have significantly deteriorated, due not only to the failure of the Russian peacekeepers deployed in Nagorno-Karabakh to resolve the blockade imposed by Azerbaijan and address the humanitarian crisis in the region, but also the permissive stance that Moscow was seen as taking during Azerbaijan's attack on Nagorno- Karabakh and the subsequent exodus of Armenians. In public perception, Russia has lost its long-favorable position, and, in a poll conducted in December 2023, 31 percent of respondents considered Russia to pose the greatest security threat to Armenia of any country. 40 percent said Russia was the greatest political threat, and 51 percent said it was the greatest economic threat. The Armenian government has effectively frozen its activities in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), accusing the alliance of failing in its collective defense obligations towards Armenia, in addition to alleging that Moscow was trying to stage a coup in Yerevan. Against this backdrop, relations with Western partners, and particularly with the European Union (EU), have warmed rapidly in 2023, especially after Azerbaijan attacked Nagorno-Karabakh in September. However, the EU and the United States have failed to hold Azerbaijan accountable for its actions, even though they had drawn red lines for such a scenario. Brussels has moved on to a tactic of supporting Armenia's resilience by increasing support for reforms and elevating the level of the EU- Armenian relationship, with early signs of a possible path to EU membership on the margins of discussions.
The deterioration of the security situation only exacerbated the political polarization in Armenia's parliament between Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's ruling Civil Contract party and the opposition, undermining meaningful dialogue on critical issues. Nevertheless, Civil Contract's constitutional majority allows it to fast-track reforms almost without resistance, which greenlights the government's agenda but also bears the risks of lacking parliamentary checks and balances, especially due to the prime minister's extensive powers prescribed by the constitution.
In a possible indication that the existing balance of power in Armenia's domestic politics has crystalized, Civil Contract's approval ratings have stabilized somewhat despite the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh and the party remains the most popular in Armenia by far, though it falls short of enjoying the endorsement of a majority of the population in polls. The opposition remains unpopular, failing to attract support from voters who had been disappointed in the Civil Contract-led political establishment that rose to power following Armenia's 2018 Velvet Revolution. The public mood in Armenia as of 2023 suggests that the current opposition is not able to challenge the government meaningfully: incumbents tend to hold tight to their electorates evidenced by attempts to strengthen party structures, and seek junior coalition partners (witness the formation of such a coalition following Yerevan City Council elections in September), while no alternative forces that could burst into the political scene to attract the apathetic majority have been observed.
The Yerevan City Council elections were 2023's main event in terms of domestic politics, and could be regarded as an intermediate test of confidence between the previous nationwide legislative vote in 2021 and the upcoming elections in 2026. While the opposition is known to be stronger in Yerevan compared to most other regions, Civil Contract still managed to gain more votes than any other party; however, it fell far short of the threshold of seats necessary to install a mayor. In fact, even in coalition with a minority partner-the Republic Party-the city is now governed by a minority council. Civil Contract also flexed its political muscle in the city councils of smaller communities, where, in a few cases, it continued its practice of impeaching opposition mayors using dubious tactics. The electoral process generally received a positive evaluation from local and international observers. However, it was also marked by the abuse of administrative resources by the ruling party at a scale unprecedented since the Velvet Revolution. While one of the revolution's most heralded gains has been the decoupling of politics from big businesses and oligarchs, 2023 showed concerning signs of a reversal on that front. In particular, two separate investigative reports shed light on the lack of transparency regarding Civil Contract's sources of funding. Even more concerning, law enforcement agencies cleared Civil Contract of any wrongdoing, while Pashinyan apologized but said his party had not broken any laws. Armenia made major positive reforms in 2023 regarding the judiciary, the police, the fight against corruption, fiscal policy, the electoral code, education, and territorial administration. International partners and Western partner states and institutions endorse and support the government's reform agenda. Civil society concerns about the inclusiveness of reform and policymaking processes persist, while meaningful cooperation is often limited to specific areas and depends on the inclinations of decision-makers already in place. Though some reforms deliver effective regulations, they often fall short of their objectives due to poor or inconsistent implementation."